My Teacher, Leonard Peltier

My first experience with government corruption was when the police and/or prosecutor in my own case gave information to a jailhouse snitch so he could testify against me.  They released the guy and he went on a crack mission, raped, and murdered an old woman within a month on the street.

My second experience came by studying the Leonard Peltier case, which is about as old as me.  Having read all his court records and read the classic “In the Spirit of Crazy Horse,” among others, Leonard’s life taught me to acknowledge the degree to which some would go to frame someone, then cover it up.

This knowledge, both the personal experience and the expansive case, have helped me in taking on similar scenarios as they arise.  We should all be so wise, and none of us should ever be blindsided by a frame-up, by a liar who works in government, or by the lengths some will go to cover up such activities.

Leonard Peltier continues the double torture of being (1) an innocent man in prison, and (2) a targeted prisoner for increased punishment and torture.  If you do nothing: do not look away.

find out more:  www.WhoIsLeonardPeltier.info

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How To Get Your Client Put To Death: The Latest Legal Controversy

If there ever was an indication that the law is an ever changing tool with which we use to govern society, one need only look at the rulings in Death Penalty law.  For those of us who sharpened our legal teeth in states with no death penalty, we sometimes overlook the gravity of the slightest turn of phrase… yet it may ultimately cost, or save, lives.  To think lives can hang in the balance of a phrase is as it has always been, with the emperor giving the thumbs up or down.

Presumably we have gotten beyond the whims of a frothy crowd as to whether the guilty are to live or die, and this is why the Sentencing phase of capital trials is its own phase of proceedings with its own body of law, where the jury is charged with sentencing someone to death… or not.  This year a pivotal case is making its way through the courts, with a split decision in the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals regarding the effectiveness of counsel.  In Samayoa v. Ayers, the crucial question is this: How responsible is an attorney in presenting the evidence that may save a man’s life?

Richard Samayoa is a man with one of the worst criminal records imaginable, presenting a challenge for anyone on the fence about the death penalty.  But the law, and decisions of life or death, should not be dealt with lightly.  They require a close inspection, with an appreciation for psychology, sociology, philosophy, and the like.  If we are to presume Richard Samayoa is an animal, or a monster, we need to come to understand how he got this way.

How It Came Down to This…

The role of the attorney in the Penalty Phase of a capital trial is to present mitigating evidence, to explain why a defendant did what they did and how it might be understandable.  If the actions are still beyond comprehension, the attorney’s role is to elicit some sympathy in a plea for mercy.  I am not aware of a case where the attorney presented evidence that possibly condemned their client further, but if we follow the dissenting opinion of Judge Reinhardt in Samayoa, his lawyer did exactly that.

The attorney presented several experts in a failed attempt to show brain damage.  This was a novel defense and with Samayoa’s prior record so damning, it is unremarkable that the defense would feel obliged to grasp at straws.  As it turned out, the defense experts were summarily discredited for lack of training, previous errors, and inability to describe a diagram of the brain.

On appeal into the federal court system is the question of what else the defense could have raised, regarding Samayoa’s abusive upbringing, and whether the attorney did a reasonable job to investigate this other evidence.  The issue is Ineffectiveness of Counsel, a common one in a field where a person’s life is in the balance, where the law is esoteric to the public, and attorneys are strapped for resources.  This is also the field where sleeping and drunk lawyers have been deemed competent by the courts, as hardly any level of ineffectiveness can slip through the eye of Strickland v. Washington’s needle.  Strickland is the case that holds the standard.

Since the 1996 enactment of the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act (AEDPA), federal courts have substantially narrowed their review of state court decisions.  The U.S. Supreme Court has been called upon to interpret many procedural elements of AEDPA, and continues to do so fifteen years after enactment.  Further complicating the Act, and its application, is the dual standard: one section regarding death penalty cases, and one regarding those without the punishment of death.  The instant case centers on §2254, as a death sentence was imposed upon Samayoa by the state of California.

Death Penalty cases get increased scrutiny, and it is likely that the Ninth Circuit will give this case a second glance- particularly given the language and rationale of the dissenting judge.  An 11-member en banc review is drawn randomly from over 28 active judges.  The Ninth Circuit is by far the largest federal circuit, and has had to develop its own bulky rule system.  Whoever loses at the larger “En Banc” phase, be it Samayoa or the state, will naturally want the U.S. Supreme Court to weigh.  But would they?

The Ninth Circuit’s Three-Judge Decision

The two-judge majority (which includes Ninth Circuit Chief Judge Alex Kozinski) ruled that it did not matter if the lawyer was ineffective or not because the more persuasive arguments, the brain damage, did not save Samayoa’s life.  It is interesting to note that the Court refused to weigh whether the attorney’s lapse in presenting all evidence was “ineffective” or not (so they presumed it was, without ruling it so).  This is because Strickland is a two-prong test: (1) Did the attorney’s conduct fall below a reasonable standard, and (2) If so, does this undermine the confidence in the jury’s verdict?  The second prong is known as the “prejudice” test, and if there is no prejudice (i.e., the decision would have clearly been the same, regardless) then it doesn’t matter.  No harm no foul.

The Court appears to have jumped to the second prong because it appeared the easy way out.  They clearly felt the second prong was obvious, even if the first prong was a bit fuzzy.  The record is mixed about how much investigation the lawyer, or his employees, conducted.  He did put Samayoa’s mother and sisters on the stand, who expressed that they loved him, yet one actually told the jury she would “understand” if they executed him.  The Court gives great credence to the Organic Brain Disorder defense, yet manages to overlook the attorney’s absolute failure in presenting it.

The Strickland analysis (which can’t be fully appreciated without also reading Judge Thurgood Marshall’s scathing dissent) is based on whether an attorney’s strategic decisions were reasonable at the time.  It also must factor in one’s ability to implement this strategy.  Although the Organic Brain Disorder may have been a new strategy, one could conceivably find it rational and reasonable, as it is an attempt to bring the case into the Diminished Capacity realm.  Entirely overlooked is an assessment of this strategy if one’s experts are reduced to amateurs before the jury- and this was not lost on the Dissenting judge.

Richard Samayoa might have put forth evidence that his family physically fought in ways considered very brutal, that sexual abuse was rampant in his family, that his own drug abuse was started within his family at a young age, and his mother was emotionally distant and failed to protect her young son.  Such evidence of intense dysfunction would need to sway but one juror to spare him and the Dissent believes this is a question for the jury- not one which two Circuit Court judges, even with the wisdom of Solomon, can decide.  Thus, the “prejudice” test is not so easy in this case.

I Respectively Object, Your Honor

What would a jury do if they were presented with scientific evidence that a man is an uncontrollable killer?  If they were “proven” to have an organic brain disorder that indicates they cannot be safely around other human beings?  It is quite likely they would have a very easy time putting this person to death.  It would be confirmed, by science, that this person lacks humanity.  If the strategy Samayoa’s lawyer was going for was to “prove” he is organically different, it is a likely only ever to result in Death for a client.

Even if the attorney had put up an iron clad Organic Brain Disorder mitigation strategy, it would truly only be mitigating if shown that this disorder came about through no fault of Richard Samayoa.  That he was in a car accident, had a brain tumor from cancer, was beaten into it by an abusive family, or the like.  Without this, the jury is simply left staring at an animal in the dock.  In this case, it is quite likely that the larger Ninth Circuit will decide that the abusive family evidence was necessary to have reasonably presented this questionable strategy.

Without having a ruling on ineffectiveness to rely upon, the Ninth Circuit will decide that de novo, or they will remand it to be decided.  Or they too could presume ineffectiveness and affirm, or overturn, based on the “prejudice” prong.  Regarding the latter, it is difficult to imagine the Circuit accepting their colleague’s belief that they can speak for the jurors, about whether or not this jury could be swayed by the evidence of abuse.

If the jury did not buy into the Organic Brain Disorder (which is quite reasonable, considering the terrible testimony), they needed something to rely on to spare Richard Samayoa.  They received nothing.  The attorney even attempted to present Samayoa’s family as being typical and loving, as if they could relate better to the defendant.

The Court oversteps their bounds as jurists in this case, venturing into the waters of psychologists and mind readers.  It is impossible for them to know what impact the failed Brain Disorder defense had on the minds of the jurors.  The Court believed it was a good defense, the best one Samayoa could have raised, and yet it failed.  However, there is no evidence that this strategy has ever worked.  The Court ignores the fact that the “Terrible Family” strategy (for lack of a better phrase) has in fact worked.  Any self-respecting attorney litigating a capital trial should know this.

More Than One Man in One Case

The U.S. Supreme Court is more than picky when it comes down to the roughly 100 cases it reviews from thousands of petitions.  One cardinal rule is that if you can’t convince the Justice who oversees your Circuit, fuhgettaboutit.  Justice Anthony Kennedy is responsible for the Ninth Circuit, and is generally portrayed as a wild card in any dispute- a trait that is admirable in itself.  His reversal on Juvenile Death Penalty (which is difficult to say with any sense of humanity), is why it has finally been discarded.  He has opposed executions for the mentally ill and cases where there was no murder (capital crimes include more than murder, though it is rare).  But do not take anything for granted, as Kennedy has supported many restrictions on Habeas Corpus and given wide leeway to the actions of the police.

This prospective SCOTUS case, regarding both the death penalty and the right to effective counsel, poses important questions for the new “Roberts” Court.  Chief Justice Roberts, along with Justices Kagan, Sotomayor, and Alito should all be considered wild cards at this juncture of their fresh tenures.  Other than Alito, who spent 16 years on the Third Circuit bench, none have experience presiding over death penalty decisions.  The Third Circuit includes Pennsylvania, home of America’s most famous death penalty prisoner (Mumia Abu Jamal).  Samayoa may prove a decisive moment as the Court matures.

One analysis on Justice Alito proposes his predictability, stating in part:

In his 15-year career on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, Judge Samuel
Alito has participated in 10 capital cases. Five were decided unanimously by three-judge panels.
The other five provoked strong disagreement between Judge Alito and his colleagues. In each of
the five contested cases, Judge Alito ruled against the inmate. His opinions, which we examine
in detail, show a disturbing tendency to tolerate serious errors in capital proceedings. They
reveal troubling perspectives on federalism, race, and due process of law, and they have
worrisome implications for the protection of individual liberties in the war on terror.

Samayoa presents systemic questions as well, ones which may never be answered in its litigation.  Did Samayoa’s attorney feel economic pressures as a court appointed attorney?  Is this why the non-experts were put on the stand, or why the family investigation only skimmed the surface?  Meanwhile, the prosecution is able to present true experts, have unlimited investigation (the police), and is able to control the proceedings as the government only can… in what is designed as an equal system of adversarial justice.

In 1996, with the smoke barely clear from the Oklahoma City Bombing, the U.S. Government implemented the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act.  It was essentially a severe restriction on Habeas Corpus with a few new elements tossed in about weapons and explosives as a token to the news of the day.  Like the Patriot Act five years later, who could vote against it?  Who had time to read it?  Fortunately for Richard Samayoa, he may continue to get his day in court.  But as for all of those not sentenced to death, they are often barred from even presenting evidence of the actual killer.  When the courts, or the legislature, would prefer that the actual killer remain at large for the sake of finality: we have a true crisis of morality in the law.

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Latest Immigration Case May Hit For-Profit Prisons In the Pocket

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This week the Third Circuit Court of Appeals cast down a landmark ruling on Immigration Detention and Due Process.  In what should be known as yet another victory for one man and his pen, Chiekh Diop fought his way out of prison; a place he should not have been in for 1,072 days.  Arguably, he should not have spent even a night, but three years is unconstitutional.  Diop v ICE/Homeland Security (2011 WL3849739) was recently decided in Philadelphia, home of the Liberty Bell, on September 1st.

Diop got a letter from ICE in 2008, stating that his conviction from 2005 makes him deportable under §1182 (crime of moral turpitude), and that he unlawfully entered the USA.  Negotiation was not an option.  Like the situation of Jason Ng, who had no prior crimes yet ultimately died under the custody of ICE, the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (“IIRIRA”) requires the government to imprison someone.  The Act does not allow for bail.

Unable to pay for a lawyer, and with no pro bono clinic to step in, Diop was left to his own devices and (not knowing his specific circumstances) whatever he could get from available books and other prisoners.  It took over 6 months in a cage before he was able to explain his story to the judge.  Diop sat in York County Jail, one of 1,528 facilities that have been used by ICE over the past decade, and one of 324 have deported or released over 10 people in the past year.  York is within the top 6% of ICE prisons, having deported or released 4,217 people in 2008 alone.

In 1998, York County Jail and INS entered an Inter-Government Agreement (IGA) regarding how much taxpayer money would shift from the federal pocket to the jail.  They put the figure at $55/day, and estimated the equivalent of 40 prisoners spending a year, for a total of $803,000.  By 2010, York held Diop and 700 others, redistributing tax dollars at a rate over $14 million per year.  Private for-profit prison facilities (the growing trend) negotiate contracts over $100/day, and pay massive lobbying staffs to influence, even write, legislation that keeps the cells full.

Eventually the Immigration Judge decided that the 2005 crime was “probably” a serious crime, but Diop pieced together a handwritten appeal to the Board of Immigration Appeals.  The BIA agreed with Diop, that the Judge should actually determine if this drug charge was “particularly serious” or not.  They also disagreed with the Judge’s global political assessment, that “conditions in Senegal have changed.”  Diop had credible evidence that he had been targeted and beaten for his family’s involvement with a political group.

After a year in custody, the original Judge now ruled that Diop’s asylum application was too late, but he would not order the deportation; the 1995 crime seemed to be petty, and the government did not shoulder their burden of Diop being persecuted in Senegal.  He remained in prison, and Diop again broke out the pen, paper, and envelopes he bought from the for-profit prison commissary.  Next stop was Federal District Court, while the government (not willing to concede anything) appealed the Immigration Court ruling.

Detention: Tear Two

The Fed Court eventually ruled that Diop could not fight the “90 days to deport” (or release) rule, because Diop’s proceedings were “ongoing.”  They felt the 90 days shouldn’t begin until his case was closed.  Back to his cage, for Cheikh Diop.  The BIA appeal finally came down, ruling that the lower court was again unclear about what is a “serious” crime, and then finally Diop gets the help from the (surely massively under-staffed) Georgetown University Law Center.  With just over 100 law schools in America, and not all having immigration clinics, “Justice” requires people like Cheikh Diop to keep fighting when there is not even a barely-trained law student to take on his case.  Most detainees are held hundreds of miles from the nearest law clinic and, at times, thousands of miles from their families.

In a country that currently incarcerates nearly a million people for drugs, it should have been little surprise that Diop’s 1995 case was considered “serious.”  His deportation was appealed by Diop, and this time the BIA ordered the Judge to consider the Convention Against Torture provisions.  And then another crazy thing happened on the way to the Third Circuit:  the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that collateral consequences (such as deportation) need to be laid out when someone makes a guilty plea.  The Padilla v Kentucky ruling resulted in Diop’s (at the time not serious) 1995 guilty plea being tossed.  The Pennsylvania A.G., being no less forgiving than ICE attorneys, appealed that ruling too.

Eventually ICE relented and accepted that if the 1995 drug charge is tossed, Diop isn’t eligible for deportation.  It may have been a ploy to stop the federal appeal from continuing, but it did not work.  The Third Circuit agreed to rule on Diop because the man is still on appeal in Pennsylvania, and if he loses then ICE can pick him back up.  Fortunately for the rest of America, this important ruling was allowed to happen.

The Ruling

It is a growing fantasy that foreigners and former prisoners have no rights in America.  The Third Circuit seized on an important element of the questionable immigration law:

“Our Constitution forbids the Government from depriving “any person” of “life, liberty, or property without due process of law.” …  This Due Process Clause refers to “any person,” which means that aliens, no less than native-born citizens, are entitled to its protection.  Zadvydas v. Davis, 533 U.S. at 693.   Thus, § 1226(c) raises a serious risk of running afoul of this command unless it is premised on a “sufficiently strong special justification.”  Diop v. ICE/Homeland Sec., 10-1113, 2011 WL 3849739 (3d Cir. Sept. 1, 2011)

In an interesting take on the minds of jurors, the Third Circuit looked to SCOTUS, and the 2003 Denmore v. Kim case, then used a concurring opinion by Justice Kennedy to help interpret the Denmore ruling for Diop.  The crux is that if detaining immigrants because of serious crimes is a matter of “danger” or “flight,” then they should be detained immediately when the “serious” crime occurs.  Not, like with Diop, up to 13 years later when he is simply going about his business.

“In short, when detention becomes unreasonable, the Due Process Clause demands a hearing, at which the Government bears the burden of proving that continued detention is necessary to fulfill the purposes of the detention statute.”  Diop v. ICE/Homeland Sec., 10-1113, 2011 WL 3849739 (3d Cir. Sept. 1, 2011)

Due Process for One and All?

The Denmore Court noted that the typical detention is about 45 days when this statute is invoked, and about 5 months when someone is seeking to appeal the decision.  The Diop Court said there shall be no cut-and-dry rule, but these are important markers for due process.  Now consider that a criminal charge generally takes over a year to see a trial, often up to three years.  Furthermore, it is common for an appeal to take 3-5 years, with a one year wait simply for transcripts.  Ultimately the entire criminal justice system is flush with an absence of Due Process.  It lacks the infrastructure to support millions of criminal charges on an annual basis.

How much staff time did the government devote to litigate Diop’s single case?  It is difficult to chart how many proceedings, and how many lawyers Diop had to go through before ultimately being told that the lines on the Statue of Liberty were written for him too; before being told that the treaties the U.S. signs regarding persecution and torture apply to him too; before being told that spending almost three years in a cage is unreasonable.  The prison fees, the judges, the transport, the court clerks, stenographers… all of it because a man had some drugs at one point.  (For a point of reference, the average college campus likely has marijuana and cocaine in the kilos on campus as I write this.)

Cheikh Diop v. the American Criminal Justice System.  It should not be overlooked that the foreigner was ultimately deemed right, and the System has a massive amount of reform awaiting… or it will surely collapse under its own weight.

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An Open Letter to Our Allies

To Our Friends, Comrades, Families, and Allies:

No matter how you refer to yourselves, you are the ones who kept us going when we needed support.  Although you may not have stood before the judge and had your name called out, you stood beside us.  Although you did not spend a night in lock-up, you spent your nights tossing and turning from the pain of being apart.  Although you have not had to admit to a conviction when filling out countless forms, you are experiencing the effects of your community being under-educated, under-employed, and in a dire search of affordable places to live.

We love and respect you in the same manner you love and respect us.  We are one entity, one Movement, gaining momentum as we gain unity.  We want you with us in Los Angeles on November 2nd for our first national gathering.  Every mother who has stood outside the courthouse and every civil rights attorney who may feel like nobody cares, like it is the same old fight: join us as we coalesce in a new national civil and human rights movement.  This is not the same old fight, and there are millions who care from far and wide.  We see you with your sign, your petition, and your shout-out on the radio station.  We see you in an office full of people trying to train us for work.  We see your blogs, your Facebook, and at the mailbox pulling out a letter with a stamp on it: “Department of Corrections.”

For some of us, we literally would not be here if not for you.  Your books, briefs, photographs, visits, and tireless advocacy won our freedom or kept us from the dark abyss of hopelessness.  We aim to build an inclusive Movement, one that never loses sight of, nor the voice of, those living at the bottom of this American underclass; yet one that takes no voices for granted.  The Formerly Incarcerated & Convicted People’s Movement developed from a core of people who have worn a number, but it cannot, and will not, stop there.  It continues to include every person who knows that our criminal justice system is greatly lacking “justice,” and millions of you know who you are.

We ask that you share this with your own circle of caring people, and bring them to Los Angeles.  We ask that you bring as many affected people as you can, as the legitimacy of our platform will be defined by those who ratify it.  Our funds to assist travel may long have run out, but we want you to make it there with the knowledge that this is a moment you will not have seen in decades.

To register for the conference, go to: https://unprison.com/register-for-la/

In Solidarity,

 Formerly Incarcerated & Convicted People’s Movement

Steering Committee,  September 1st, 2011

Susan Burton (Los Angeles) A New Way of Life Reentry Project
Pastor Kenny Glasgow (Alabama)  TOPS -The Ordinary People Society
Aaliyah Muhammad (Sacramento)  All of Us or None
Dorsey Nunn (San Francisco) Legal Services for Prisoners with Children
Bruce Reilly (New Orleans/Providence) Direct Action for Rights & Equality
Tina Reynolds (NYC) Women On the Rise Telling HerStory
Arthur League (San Francisco) All of Us or None
Malik Aziz (Philadelphia) National Exhoodus Council
Michelle Convie (Tucson, AZ) Women’s Reentry Network
Marlene Sanchez (San Francisco)  Center for Young Women’s Development
Norris Henderson (New Orleans) VOTE Voice of the Ex-Offender
Malissa Gamble (Philadelphia) A Time is Now to Make a Change
James Adams (North Carolina)  All Of Us Or None
Wayne Jacobs (Philadelphia) X Offenders for Community Empowerment
Steve Huerta (San Antonio) All Of Us Or None
Miss Major (San Francisco) Transgender Intervariant Intersex Justice Project
Benny Lee (Chicago) National Alliance for Empowerment of Formerly Incarcerated
Eric McCoy (Minneapolis)  Council on Crime and Justice
Jazz Hayden  (Harlem) Campaign to End the New Jim Crow
Khalid Raheem (Pittsburgh).
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Forcing Drugs Into Your Children- The Final Straw?

This is what it comes down to: DCYF calling the police to seize children and force them to take anti-psychotics.  Read your “1984” and “Brave New World” my friends, and know where to draw the line in the sand.

This case in the video above is not the first I’ve heard of this tactic, and there are other subtle ways of pushing people to make it as a “choice” (under duress).  Whether it is Ritalin, Prozac, or yet another immunization- the government agencies are constantly advising or mandating that the injection be done.  But why?  Never forget that pharmaceutical companies pay more money on lobbying politicians than anyone.

They lobby for:

Relaxed rules so they are not liable when anyone gets messed up on their medications/vaccinations;

Government-paid vaccinations and other flu-of-the-week injections;

Global interference to help them sell to, or push upon, other countries (remember the pharmaceutical company struck by missiles in Sudan?  Supposedly bin Laden was the target);

Keeping life-saving medications expensive;

Reducing oversight by the FDA, etc.

The Drug War is a diabolical laughingstock as to who it targets and the goals purported.  Some of us believe that, for the most part, humans are born as one piece of a functioning eco-system.  We do not need injections to survive it.  But back to the case at hand:  consider the mentality, and the approach to human rights, that allowed people from the department of “children youth and families” to call the police… and think about what they might have said to the police.  And think about what the police were saying to each other, what may have transpired with their superiors, that allowed them to believe this was all legal and righteous.

Now THAT is what we should condemn.

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New Report on Public Defenders: Again Missing the Mark

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Back in February I posted about the fact that underfunded Public Defenders are a smokescreen for the real issue: underfunded prosecutors and courts cannot handle the number of crimes coming at them.  A new report by Justice Policy Institute, System Overload: The Costs of Under-Resourcing Public Defense, continues the one-sided argument- although making some excellent points.

The latest report (continuing the BJS findings, as did I) notes the costs to “people” and “taxpayers” through pre-trial detention, and how hasty defense increases wrongful convictions.  Yet it does not point out who benefits.  Any analysis should be a “Cost-Benefit Analysis,” and factor into account those beneficiaries who care neither about people nor taxpayers.  They care about their own bottom line, and their own power.

Those who enjoy and utilize statistics will find a wealth in the new JPI report, such as: 64% of wrongful rape convictions, exonerated from DNA evidence, are Black, although only 12% of America is Black.  I love numbers, but a popular Movement will not be based on numbers.  Simple facts, simple understandings, and a simple view of what the criminal justice system is actually doing will cause the creature to crumble.

Other than the obvious recommendation, to implement standards of representation as outlined by the American Bar Association, the report recommends to other vital pieces:

1.  Public Defenders should engage in the policy debate.  It is shameful that in a country where so many vital services are conducted through the state, those workers are generally forbidden to speak up or are living in fear for their jobs.  This is a waste of insight and experience, provided they are capable of speaking openly.

2.  Seek input from those who have been served by the Public Defender.  To move our society in any productive way on criminal justice, the “Client” relationship must be seen as a “partnership.”  Are we all in this together?  Or are the poor communities being controlled by an upper-class colonial mentality?  I have gotten more requests from my internet provider to see how they are doing than I have had from anyone in the criminal justice sphere over the past two decades.

This report still fails to pay even a passing reference to the problem of underfunded prosecutors.  I don’t believe it is intentional, it is the product of an arms race.  Funding must keep up with the other side, rather than funding must be reduced to the other side.  In a down economy, nobody will accept sweeping increases for prosecutions… but nor will we see any massive increases to Public Defense.

By making the issue about public defense, one can argue about “coddling criminals” or “can we really afford this?”  But if the argument were about whether the Attorney General and Courts should be 50% of the budget… what then?

Many of these overburdened public defenders are still “ready for trial” and awaiting on the state government to move.  Appeals take years not because the prisoner cannot get his brief written in time- it is because of the Attorneys General and the courts.  One can wait two years simply for a transcript to be typed.  Months for a police report to be shared.  Years for a DNA test to be conducted.  Ultimately, this becomes a violation of constitutional rights.  People can’t be forced to sit in prison for three years awaiting trial.  People will need to be released, guilty or not, and if not for a large-scale reduction in the number of acts we consider “crimes,” the government will topple under its own weight.

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Prisoners and the Formerly Incarcerated, to Educate or Not?

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PBS Newshour recently profiled the well-known Bard Prison Initiative in five New York state penitentiaries.  157 Prisoners have earned B.A. degrees over the past six years, with some going beyond that.  Does it please more people than infuriates?  It has been four years since 60 Minutes ran a feature story, yet has it been replicated?  With colleges increasingly appearing as money making machines, do they see the prisons as a needed space for education?

Throughout America in particular schools and neighborhoods, there are thousands of young men struggling to succeed.  Young men of Color in communities where rising police presence accompanies falling graduation rates.  Young men lured by the trappings of a material world that their families cannot afford.  Young men at times left to fend for themselves before they are old enough to vote or sign a simple lease.  The creative, intellectual, or most determined of these young men often make their “move” (often a rash and irresponsible move) as has been done for centuries; yet since the mid 1970’s such young men have been declared public enemy number one.  Why?  Because they are merchants of substances that are craved by all manner of people, from politicians to doctors to housewives.  Or so that is what is said.

Current law enforcement policies place a priority on drug sellers in communities of color.  They are a target that affords many tactics and given rise to a million children in prison.  Of course, once in the criminal justice system they are no longer called “children.”  Instead they are called “juveniles,” to further dehumanize them, as it is a word hardly ever used in a positive manner.  Billions of dollars spent in the name of “Public Safety,” with one consequence (intended or not) being the decimation of the communities’ resources.  These young men, and increasingly joined by young women, are returned to the community with no formal education and hardly anyone willing to offer a helping hand over those obstacles.

It is inaccurate to look at statistics about the “percentages” of Black men in college who go to grad school, who graduate, or “percentages” of high school grads who go to college.  If 50% of students do not graduate high school due to interactions with the police, or due to hopelessness and frustration, then the percentages downstream are extremely skewed.  I am beginning to wonder if there are more Black men receiving GED certificates in prison than college diplomas in the free world.  And it makes me wonder upon whose shoulders these difficult dilemmas should fall?

Corporations are well known for their inability to have a moral compass, or even a commitment to sustainability, as their priority of profit for shareholders is written into every corporate charter.  As many educational institutions are in fact corporations, their moral intentions should always be under scrutiny.  Today there are two Black women in college for every Black man, and more Black men in prison than college.  A corporation should not be expected to care.  Despite the Supreme Court declaring corporations as “people” for the purposes of influencing elections, nobody expects a faceless mass of shareholders and administrators to hold touchy-feely sessions on caring about the decimation of America by all the convictions and imprisonments and disrupted educations.  Kudos if they do, but expect it we should not.

Some would argue that the convictions and imprisonments and disrupted educations are necessary, as collateral damage in the pursuit of public safety.  As we build more prisons and deputize more police, the number of convictions increases while public perception of safety goes down, so it is actually irrational to believe more police and prisons will translate into more safety, given statistical realities.  Regardless of police and prison tactics, a goal of Public Safety calls for an investment in education.  An uneducated and unemployed community might survive if given the opportunity to farm and build homes, but this is not possible in 21st Century America.

An investment of time and resources from all educators and political leaders, if not the corporations.  Those are who we should expect to care.

The 157 graduates of Bard Prison Initiative, and Andres, are people prepared to build and support our society.  Some have done things in the past that were terrible, some who acted understandably given the circumstances, but all of whom are years beyond and drastically changed.  Will the storied liberal institutions like Berkely follow in Bard’s path?  The historically Black colleges like Howard and Morehouse?  Or even Brown University, whose Slavery & Justice Committee searches for a way to atone for their corporation being built off the profits of slave trading?

It is not enough to teach a Life Skills class.  There needs to be accredited education so that real resumes can be built, and formerly incarcerated people can enter the world with earning potential in their primary working years.

In 1994 the federal government decided that they should not take part in the education of prisoners, and cut the Pell Grant funding.  In the wake of this cut, people around San Quentin did something about it.  Spearheaded by a professor and the prison educators, they found a way to build the Prison University Project.  Over 100 people have received A.A. degrees from Patten University, while many more began their formal education inside and continued after release.  Ultimately, just a small group of committed people, as always, found a way.

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A Life Worth Less Than Train Fare

A Life Worth Less Than Train Fare
The Ongoing Struggle Against Police Violence

By Mike King

Another young, unarmed black man, Kenneth Harding, has been gunned down, shot numerous times in the back as he fled, his empty hands in the air in broad daylight. His crime had been a simple train fare evasion for which San Francisco police executed him in the street. Dozens of witnesses saw a sight that has become commonplace in US cities, capturing images with cell phones of police surrounding the man and watching him struggle and writhe from a distance, in a swelling pool of his own blood. Without either offering the severely wounded man assistance, searching him, or otherwise looking for the supposed weapon, the police, most of whom had their backs turned to the suspect, would later try and say that he had fired at the them and randomly into the crowd that had assembled. No one in the crowd said anything about him having or firing a gun. Police would later say one had mysteriously appeared, via an informant. The police publicly named Harding as a “person of interest” in a Seattle killing, a day after he had been shot dead by police. They are using a criminal conviction to attempt to further devalue his life. This piece is not about previous convictions, or the “official story” which the police are constructing as I write, about post-mortem murder suspicions and mystery guns. One thing is clear, as far as police knew he was a simple fare evader. As far as multiple witnesses could see, Harding had no gun and the shots all went one way.
Whether BART police, Oakland PD, or SFPD, the stories have been very similar. Suspects are gunned down in the street, no weapon, usually shot in the back as they ran, almost all men of color, a homeless or mentally-ill white man here or there. We get a similar story each time. One that is weak, lacks probable cause for lethal force, and is based on the opinion of the offending officers whose word is unquestioned by superiors, city officials, or the corporate press. Unless there is a video. Mehserle, the cop who shot Oscar Grant, thought his glock was a lighter and larger and fluorescent tazer, though it had a completely different grip. An exception to the rule, Mehserle did time for his crime – a few paltry months. He was recently released. The OPD shot Derrick Jones in the back, he was carrying a scale. No charges were filed. Several killings of unarmed men of color in Oakland have yielded temporary suspensions, followed by reinstatements with back pay. Some acting, individual OPD officers have killed more than one unarmed man on separate occasions and still patrol the street, guns loaded, and ready to go.
The root causes of these murders by the police are multiple and far too complex to be fully discussed here: insulated and unaccountable police power committed to upholding a particular racial and economic order; psychological fear-turned-violence or plain hostility among the police; white supremacy at several levels of society from the motivations of suburban law-and-order voters to the historical legacies of the police in this country; to geographies of segregation, of which the Bayview is a prime example.
The result is a system of violence that is specifically targeted, on one level, and completely indiscriminant on another. Targeted in the sense that concentrated police presence, aggressive police tactics (profiling, checkpoints, not so random Muni train inspections for tickets, etc.), and police self-conceptions as occupiers of hostile territory are all almost entirely exclusive to poor, urban communities of color. The nature, logic, tactics and history of the police in communities of color is not a few bad apples, related to violent crime rates that have fallen, or a new phenomena. Within these targeted communities the violence of the police is often completely indiscriminate. A simple traffic stop, a response to a domestic argument, a skipped train fare. Case, after case, after case. Candlelight vigil, after community mural, after RIP rap, it is the same over and over. No gun. Hands up. Running away. Shot in the back. No accountability.

Some people use the words “police terrorism” to describe this reality. You don’t see this in the mainstream news, or on the lips of aspiring city council people, or from most non-profits in the community. Even people within movements against police violence get silenced for using this language by people who deem themselves more responsible or better educated. We have sketched the nature of the police in the city. What is the definition of terrorism? The US State Department defines terrorism as:
“Premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against noncombatant targets… usually intended to influence an audience.”
The police in the Bayview or East Oakland understand themselves as occupiers of the community, a premeditated understanding, though not inaccurate, of an enemy relationship – not between cops and robbers, but between cops and communities of color. The political motivation is one of containment – containment of a community plagued by unemployment, failing schools, anger, hopelessness, drug abuse, and violence. Police respond to crimes to an extent, but their more general responsibility is to control space, maintain order, and intimidate. This process is one of dehumanization of communities through social and economic exclusion enforced through various forms of containment, of which the police are the most visible.
People not subjected to this reality have the luxury of imagining it as something other than it is. Many can blindly accept law enforcement arguments, however unlikely. Many can actively or tacitly support the social relationships that have one group of unaccountable, overpaid men with guns, who almost always live in some other community, containing and terrorizing neighborhoods because the people who live there are poor, and of color, and somehow still considered worth less – worth less than a train fare apparently.
For the police and the people of the Bayview / Hunter’s Point, naivete and rationalizations are hard to come by. There is a war going on. The police talk about a war on crime, a war on drugs, a war on gangs. People in the city talk about a war on the community, a war on the youth, a war on black men. The logic of occupation is the same in the Bay Area as it is in Baghdad or Afghanistan. The police and military cross train each other in counter-insurgency, police train soldiers headed to battle, soldiers return to train city police in urban battlefield tactics. Studies show that war, occupation, and Manichean frames invariable lead to dehumanization of generalized enemies, and that dehumanization increases the propensity for indiscriminate violence. This context of dehumanization and police violence in the Bayview is driven by age-old racism, and more recent economic restructuring (neoliberalism), along with efforts at gentrification, which have exacerbated racial inequalities from income to health to imprisonment. The State has relieved itself of the obligation to do anything about this reality except to respond with naked force. Couple this with shrinking budgets for schools, social programs and public assistance as police budgets swell, and you have an increase in inequality and potential unrest related to that inequality, which simply serves as a justification for more and more police and prisons under the existing political common sense of those in power.
The solution to an occupation is not kinder tools of occupation. The solution to war is not sensitivity training for soldiers. The solution to war, is a just peace. Who gets to kill with impunity, and who gets shot in their back for nothing and left for dead, is about power, about long histories of racial oppression and how they get played out day after day, year after year.
If the problem is inherently political than the solution is political as well. So long as the unemployment rate in Hunter’s Point is four times the city average, police will be concentrated there and will harness a disproportionate amount of community resources, leaving little behind for social programs. Schools stay below average at best, jobs are not created, unemployment remains high, more police are sent, and so on.
A vicious cycle of racialized poverty is interwoven with a vicious cycle of police occupation and terror. This is a war with several fronts of various direct and indirect forms of structural violence – schools, employment, housing, etc. – of which the police are the most visible and dramatic. The solution to this war is a just peace. A just peace is not possible without self-determination. Unarmed teenagers getting gunned down for not paying train fare is not a mistake, or an aberration, or “bad apples”, it is a discrete, everyday act of war, the inevitable outcome of every occupation. Enough innocent blood has been shed, it is upon us to not only bring an end to this ongoing madness, but to foster self-determined communities which unravel and dismantle the vicious cycles of violence of which the police are but the armed guardians.

Mike King is an East Bay activist and Ph. D. candidate in sociology at the Unversity of California at Santa Cruz.  This story originally appeared in Counterpunch.

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So You Want to Be A Legislator? A Few Tips Involving Prisons

Those wanting to know more can go to http://www.PrisonersOfTheCensus.org and get the latest on this tactic in all 50 states.

Posted in Commentary, Legislation, Voting Rights | Tagged , , , , , , , , , | 1 Comment

From Narragansett Bay to Pelican Bay, People Stand in Solidarity for Human Rights

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On July 1st, 2011, prisoners in the Security Housing Unit (SHU) in Pelican Bay State Prison, CA went on indefinite hunger strike to protest conditions that have been characterized by the UN as “inhumane and degrading.”  Over nearly three weeks they have been joined by thousands of prisoners in at least a third of the state’s prisons, along with reported strikers in OH, PA, GA and Canada.  The actions of these prisoners are part of a long international history of resistance to using prisons as a solution to social problems, most recently the prison labor strike in Georgia, and a hunger strike in Youngstown, OH, and they are generating a growing wave of support among people in the “free” world.

On July 20th, people in Rhode Island will fast for a day of solidarity, and to call attention to the Human Rights violations in American prisons.  Members of Direct Action for Rights & Equality, including former prisoners and family members of current prisoners, will be in Kennedy Plaza raising awareness from 2-3pm, and will offer prayers to those suffering, and call out to all prison administrations to hear those prayers.  A prayer vigil will be held at 3pm.  Dozens of actions have taken place in the past two weeks throughout America as a chorus of voices continues to question the role of prisons, and if the jailers are more barbaric than the jailed.

Mumia Abu Jamal, a long time political prisoner on Death Row in Pennsylvania recently put the level of demands in perspective: “A sub-demand is adequate natural sunlight.  Sunlight.  Few things can be more torturous than dying by starvation.  These men are killing themselves, potentially, for fresh air, and sunlight.”

A source with access to the medical condition of the hunger strikers, who asked to remain anonymous, told lawyers with the Prisoner Hunger Strike Solidarity Coalition that health of the prisoners is quickly and severely deteriorating, saying, “All of the medical staff has been ordered to work overtime to follow and treat the hunger strikers.  Some [strikers] are in renal failure and have been unable to make urine for three days. Some are having measured blood sugars in the 30 range, which can be fatal if not treated.  The staff has taken them to the [prison hospital] and given them intravenous glucose when allowed by the prisoners.  A few have tried to sip water but are so sick that they are vomiting it back up.”  Prisoners participation in the strike in other prisons in California have also reported that medications, including those for high blood pressure and other serious conditions, are being withheld from prisoners on strike.  Some prisoners have participated for limited periods of time or have joined other prisoners in “rolling” strikes, due to their already poor medical conditions.

“It is easy to think that we treat prisoners with humanity,” says Deb Langlais, a DARE member whose son Joe Crowley died at the ACI just a few days after being arrested.  “Its out of sight, out of mind.  And anyone who thinks they deserve to be treated like this- well it might be your son or daughter who’s next.”  The ACI’s High Security Center is designed to imprison 96 people in long-term segregation.

Recent “negotiations” with the California DOC have been rejected by the prisoners as in bad faith, as they offered merely a piece of exercise equipment in the common area.  The Department of Corrections officially changed their name to California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR).  This strike, the demands, and the DOC response has taken that “R” to task, and exposed it as a public relations ploy no different than when the United States War Department changed its name to the Defense Department in 1947.

“The purpose of the Hunger Strike is to combat both the Ad-Seg/SHU psychological and physical torture, as well as the justifications used of support treatment of the type that lends to prisoners being subjected to a civil death.  Those subjected to indeterminate SHU programs are neglected and deprived of the basic human necessities while withering away in a very isolated and hostile environment.” – Mutope Duguma, a Pelican Bay prisoner.

The Pelican Bay prisoner five demands are interestingly modest, including: (1) An End to Group Punishment and Administrative Abuse; (2) Abolish the Debriefing* Policy, and Modify Active/Inactive Gang Status Criteria; (3) Comply with Commission on Safety and Abuse in America’s Prisons 2006 Recommendations Regarding an end to Long-Term Solitary Confinement; (4) Provide Adequate Food; (5) Expand and Provide Constructive Programming and Privileges for Indefinite SHU Status Inmates.

 

A lawsuit is likely forthcoming.  Considering the recent ruling by the U.S. Supreme Court that the California gulag is overcrowded and inhumane conditions, the Pelican Bay conditions take on added context and significance.  Consider also that the Madrid v. Gomez case already ruled Pelican Bay was inhumane and torturous.  Consider also that the 9th Federal Circuit ruled in Farrakhan v. Gregoire that the Washington State criminal justice system is rampant with racial discrimination on every level.  And consider that next week, the EEOC is holding a hearing on the topic of employment discrimination for people with criminal records.  These things do not coincide to create a perfect moment to legally overhaul the criminal justice system as Cruel and Unusual (violating the 8th Amendment) and racist (violating Title VII)… among other things.  Rather, what this does is indicate what the judges and politicians are coming to understand long after millions of Americans know it.

There is a public relations war tugging at the minds of the ignorant.  On one side are the profiteers of this pain: with their campaign donations, PR firms, lobbyists, conglomerations, and union dues.  On the other side are the oppressed, sign in hand, fist in the air, and some: starving to death.  This is not just about Pelican Bay, and the strikers are fully aware of this.  We shall see how this plays out.

* The practice of “debriefing,” or offering up information about fellow prisoners particularly in regard to gang status, is often demanded in return for better food or even release from the SHU. Debriefing puts the safety of prisoners and their families at risk, because they are then viewed as “snitches.”

More information on www.prisonhungerstrikesolidarity.wordpress.com

Posted in Commentary, Political Prisoners, Prison Conditions, Rehabilitation, Uncategorized | Tagged , , , , , , , , , , , , , | 2 Comments